8. Parts of speech

8.2. Nouns

We can identify nouns based on their inflectional morphology, derivational morphology, and syntactic distribution.

In terms of inflectional morphology, nouns may inflect for person, number, gender, and/or case. In English, nouns inflect for number, with singular and plural forms. English pronouns also have person and gender distinctions, in addition to number.

There are many different kinds of derivational morphemes that modify nouns. Some examples of derivational morphemes in English are shown below in Table 1.

Table 1. English derivational morphemes
suffix examples
a. -ment employment, basement
b. -ness friendliness, emptiness
c. -ity sincerity
d. -ty certainty
e. -(t)ion devotion
f. -ation expectation
g. -ist specialist, linguist
h. -ant attendant, 
i -ery shrubbery, mockery
j. -ee employee, invitee
k. -ship hardship, friendship
l. -aire billionaire, 
m. -acy advocacy
n. -let piglet
o. -ling underling
p. -hood neighbourhood, 
q. -ism socialism
r. -ing fencing

(adapted from Carnie 2021: 47)

In terms of syntactic distribution, noun phrases typically show up in argument positions, both the arguments of verbs and the arguments of prepositions, as shown in (1).

(1) a. The apple is red. subject

b. I ate the appledirect object

c. I gave the apple a shine. indirect object

d. There was a worm in the appleobject of preposition

Nouns can be modified by determiners and adjectives, and so their syntactic position can often be described with reference to determiners and adjectives. In English, nouns can appear after either determiners or adjectives, or appear on their own, as shown in (2).

(2) a. I ate the apple. after a determiner
b. I ate the red apple. after an adjective
c. I ate apples. on its own

Inflectional values on nouns

The most common kinds of inflection found on nouns include case, person, number, and gender. The latter three of these (person, number, and gender) tend to have close interactions and the group is often referred to as φ-features, named after the Greek letter phi.

Case

Case is used to mark the role a noun phrase plays in a sentence. Some languages do not mark case at all, some mark case on on only some nouns, some mark case on all nouns, and some mark case on determiners. In English, we have case distinctions only on pronouns. We use the nominative case form in the subject position of finite clauses, the genitive case for possessives, and the accusative case form on the objects of active voice clauses. In English, the accusative case also acts as the default and shows up in additional contexts, as well.

(3) a. I saw them.
1SG.NOM   (no gloss for saw) 3PL.ACC

b. They saw me.
3PL.NOM (no gloss for saw) 1SG.ACC

The pronoun paradigm for English is shown in Table 1. In addition to case, English pronouns also have person, number, and gender distinctions, which we will discuss later in this section.

Table 2. English personal pronouns
nominative case accusative case genitive case
1st person singular I me mine
2nd person singular you you yours
3rd person masculine singular
he him his
3rd person feminine singular
she her hers
3rd person inanimate singular
it it its
3rd person unspecified gender singular
they them theirs
1st person plural we us ours
2nd person plural you you yours
3rd person plural they them theirs

In English, we use the accusative case for both direct and indirect objects, but in many other languages, they use the accusative case only for direct objects, and have another case, the dative case, for indirect objects. German, as shown in (4), is one example of a language that uses dative case. The example in (4) also illustrates how in some languages, including German, case is marked on determiners rather than on the noun itself.

(4) Sie hat dem Mann das Buch geschenkt.

she.NOM has the.M.DAT man the.N.ACC book given

‘She has given the man the book.”

German (Beermann 2001, as cited in Alexiadou et al. 2010: 2).

Some languages have extensive case marking systems that they use in addition to or instead of prepositions. Hungarian is an extreme example of this, with 21 cases, as shown in (5).

(5) Hungarian
hajó nominative
hajó-t accusative
hajó-ban inessive
hajó-ból elative
hajó-ba illative
hajó-n superessive
hajó-ról delative
hajó-ra sublative
hajó-nál adessive
hajó-tól ablative
hajó-hoz allative
hajó-ig terminative
hajó-nak dative
hajó-val instrumental-comitative
hajó-képp formal
hajó-ul essive
hajó-ként essive-formal(-similitive)
hajó-vá translative-factitive
hajó-ért causal-final
hajó-nként distributive
hajó-stul sociative

(Tompa 1968: 206-209, as cited in Iggesen 2013)

Languages such as English, German, and Hungarian have what is called nominative-absolutive case alignment, which means that we use the same case marker for the subjects of transitive and intransitive verbs, and a different case marker for the objects of transitive verbs. This is shown in Figure 1.

(6) a. She saw her.
b. She slept.
On the left, "argument of intransitive verb" and "subject of transitive verb" are encolsed in a purple circle labeled with "nominative case." On the right, "object of transitive verb" is labeled with "accusative case"
Figure 1: A schematic representation of nominative-accusative case alignment.

On the other hand, other languages mark the sole argument of intransitive verbs with the same case as the object of transitive verbs, which is called absolutive case. The case that is used to mark only subjects of transitive verbs is called ergative case. Ngarinyman, a Pama-Nyungan language of Australia, is an example of an ergative-absolutive language. For example, sentence (7a) is intransitive, and so the sole argument garu ‘child’ appears in absolutive case. In (7b), when the same verb is used transitively, the subject, yawardarlu ‘horse’ appears in ergative case. The object in (7b) appears only as agreement on the verb.

(7) Ngarinyman
a. Bard wan -inya garu.
fall.down change.location -pst child.abs
‘The kid fell down.’
(7) b. Yawarda -rlu bardba -yi yuwa -ni.
horse -erg fall.down -1sg.obj put -pst
‘The horse threw me off.’

(Denniss 2023: 142)

We can see another transitive-intransitive pair in (8). Sentence (8a) is intransitive, and the sole argument warlagu ‘dog’ is again marked in absolutive case. In the transitive version, the subject warlagu ‘dog’ is marked with ergative case while the object, janga ‘woman’ is marked in absolutive.

(8) Ngarinyman
a. Rungab garr -any warlagu.
bark be.at -pres dog.abs
‘The dog is barking.’
(8) b. Warlagu -rlu rungab nya -nga jan.ga.
dog -erg bark perceive -pres woman.abs
‘The dog barked at the woman.’

(Denniss 2023: 145-146)

On the left, "argument of intransitive verb" and "subject of transitive verb" are encolsed in a purple circle labeled with "nominative case." On the right, "object of transitive verb" is labeled with "accusative case"
Figure 2: A schematic representation of ergative-absolutive case alignment.

Many languages use a combination of nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive case. This is called split ergativity. The contexts in which each case system is used can be determined by tense, person, or other factors.

The names and meanings of some common cases are listed in Table 3.

Table 3. The meanings of some common cases. 
Case Meaning
nominative subject of a finite verb
accusative object of an active verb
ergative subject of a transitive verb
absolutive argument of an intransitive verb or object of a transitive verb
dative indirect object of a verb
genitive possessor of another noun
ablative movement away from
vocative addressee
locative location
instrumental a tool or means used to perform the action

Person

Nouns in most languages are categorized as first, second, or third person. First person nouns refer to the person speaking or signing. Second person nouns refer to the person being addressed. Third person nouns are everyone and everything else.

First person plural pronouns typically mean the person speaking or signing and people associated with them, rather than meaning that multiple people are speaking or signing (although, in rare cases, it can mean that, too). On the other hand, second person plural pronouns can either mean that you are addressing a group or that you are referring to the person you are addressing and the people who are associated with them.

Some languages make a distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural pronouns. Inclusive first person pronouns include the addressee in their reference (meaning ‘us and you’), while exclusive ones do not (meaning ‘us and not you’). Niuean, an Austronesian language spoken on the island of Niue, is an example of a language with inclusive and exclusive pronouns. Niuean’s pronoun paradigm is shown in Table 4.

Table 4. Niuean personal pronouns (Seiter 1980: 49)
singular dual plural
1st exclusive au maua mautolu
1st inclusive taua tautolu
2nd koe mua mutolu
3rd ia laua lautolu

Some languages also have an obviative, which is sometimes referred to as the fourth person. In languages that have an obviative, only one third person noun (usually the most topical one) will be marked as proximate while the remaining 3rd person nouns will be marked with the obviative, as shown below in (9). In the Oji-Cree example in (9a), the subject is in the first person, so the third person object awaasihs ‘the child (proximate)’ is marked with the proximate, not the obviative. But in (9b), there is a third person subject. Therefore, the third person object awaasihsan ‘the child (obviative)’ is marked in the obviative with the suffix -an. Oji-Cree is an Algonquian language spoken in Manitoba and Northern Ontario.

(9) Oji-Cree (Oxford 2017: 2)

a. Niwaapamaa awaasihs.

ni-waapan-aa awaasihs-∅

1-see-DIR- child-PX.SG

‘I see the child.’

b. Owaapamaan awaasihsan

O-waapam-aa-n awaasihs-an.

3-see-DIR-OBV child-OBV

‘S/he sees the child.’

Number

Number indicates how many instances of the noun there are. In English, we have two number categories: singular and plural, although singular is unmarked. In languages like English which have both a singular and plural, the singular means that there is exactly one while the plural means that there is more than one. The plural marker in English is-s, although there are also a number of nouns which take irregular plurals, such as children, feet, and cacti.

(10) a. cat singular

b. cat-s plural

Some languages also have a dual marker, which indicates that there is exactly two instances of the noun. In languages with a dual marker, singular means exactly one, dual means exactly two, and plural means three or more instances of the noun, as shown in (11).

(11) a. taalib student.M.SG ‘student’

b. taalib-een student.M.DU ‘two students’

c. taalib-iin student.M.PL ‘students’

Gulf Arabic (Holes 1990: 148, as cited in Aikhenvald 2018: 2)

A few languages have a trial, which marks exactly three, and in which case the plural would be used for four or more instances of the noun, as shown in (12).

(12) a. ngayi ‘I (singular)’

b. ngarrgu ‘we two’ (dual)

c. ngarrgunime ‘we three’ (trial)

d. ngagurr ‘we (many)’ (plural)

Ngan’gityemerri (Reid 1990: 118-118, as cited in Aikhenvald 2018: 2)

Even fewer languages go higher than three, but languages with a quadruple or a quintuple form do exist. One is American Sign Language.

Some languages also have a paucal, as shown in (13), which indicates that there are only a few.

(13) a. áine ŋára
woman that:3SG
‘that woman’ (singular)

b. áine ŋara-díaru
woman that-dual
‘those two women’ (dual)

c. áine ŋara-díato
woman that-paucal
‘those few women’ (paucal)

d. áine ŋára-di

woman that-PL

‘those women’ (plural)

Manam (Lichtenberk 1983: 67, as cited in Aikhenvald 2018: 3)

Some nouns arbitrarily take a plural marker no matter how many of the item there are, such as pantsscissors, and (eye)glasses. Often, these are items that typically come in two roughly equal or symmetrical parts, but not all items which consist of a pair require the plural marking, showing that it is an arbitrary grammatical rule that must be encoded in the lexicon. For example, bicycleeyeschopsticks, or socks all also typically come in pairs or two parts but have both singular and plural forms.

Gender

In grammar, gender refers to noun classes. In languages with extensive gender systems, all nouns belong to a noun class which is part of the lexical entry of that noun. Other words in the phrase will agree with the gender of the noun. For example, Russian nouns trigger agreement on the verb, as shown in (14). With a masculine noun such as žurnal ‘magazine’ in (14a), the verb appears in the masculine bare form. With a feminine noun such as kniga ‘book’ in (14b), the verb appears with the feminine suffix -a. Finally, with a neuter noun such as pis’mo ‘letter’ in (14b), the verb appears with the neuter suffix -o.

(14) a. Žurnal ležal na stole.

magazine lay.M on table.

‘The magazine laid on the table.’

b. Kniga ležal-a na stole.

book lay-F on table

‘The book lay on the table.’

c. Pis’mo ležal-o na stole.

letter lay-N on table.

‘The letter lay on the table’

Russian (Corbett 2013)

In some languages, the noun class is marked explicitly with a morpheme on the noun, but in other languages, it only shows up on other words that agree with the noun, as with the Russian example in (14).

In SiSwati, a Bantu language spoken in Eswatini and South Africa, the noun class markers are indicated both on the noun and the words that agree with it, such as adjectives. This is illustrated below in (15) for class 2 marker ba- in (15a), class 3 marker li- in (15b) and class 7 marker si- in (15c).

(15) a. ba-fati la-ba-khulu

Cl2.PL-woman ADJ-Cl2.PL-big

‘big women’

b. li-ɬombe le-li-khulu

Cl3.SG-shoulder ADJ-CL3.SG-big

‘big shoulder’

c. si-lwane le-si-khulu

Cl7.SG-animal ADJ-Cl7.SG-big

‘big animal’

In some languages, nouns belonging to different classes have distinct inflectional paradigms. This occurs in Russian, for example, as shown in Table 5. Notice how each gender has different suffixes for each case category.

Table 5. Inflectional paradigms of different gender singular nouns in Russian
Inflectional class Gender Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Instrumental Locative Gloss
I masculine žurnal žurnal žurnala žurnalu žurnalom žurnale ‘magazine’
II feminine gazeta gazetu gazety gazete gazetoj gazete ‘newspaper’
III feminine kost’ kost’ kosti kosti kost’ju kosti ‘bone’
IV neuter pis’mo pis’mo pis’ma pis’mu pis’mom pis’me ‘letter’

 

The different meanings of sex and gender

Many people confuse the terms sex and gender. To make matters even more confusing, linguists use gender in more than one way. Let’s define these terms precisely so that we can be clear about what we mean.

Sex

Definition: A set of biological attributes in humans and animals, including hormone level and expression, reproductive anatomy, chromosomes, and gene expression (CIHR 2023).

Categories: Sex is usually divided into male and female, but there is variation in how these different biological attributes are expressed, including some who have attributes of both sexes or neither.

Property of: People and animals.

(Personal) gender

Definition: The socially constructed roles, behaviours, and expressions of a person based on how people perceive themselves and interact with others (CIHR 2023).

Categories: Some common gender categories include woman, man, girl, boy, or non-binary person (CIHR 2023).

Property of: People and animals.

Semantic gender

Definition: Nouns that refer to people or animals sometimes carry semantic gender, which means that the personal gender of the person it refers to (or the sex of an animal) is encoded in the meaning of the word. This includes words like sister and brother, for which the semantic gender is part of the root word, but also words like duke and duchess, which include semantic gender in a separate morpheme.

Categories: These are usually referred to as male, female, or unspecified. An increasing number of non-binary forms are being coined, such as nibling for the child of a sibling.

Property of: Words, mostly nouns. Morphemes encoding primarily semantic gender are usually derivational morphemes.

Grammatical gender

Definition: Grammatical gender refers to noun classes in grammar. Unlike semantic gender, these noun classes may trigger agreement in other words or determine which inflectional paradigm a word uses.

Categories: In some languages, including many Indo-European languages, grammatical gender has distinctions between masculine and feminine or between masculine, feminine, and neuter. Other languages, including many Algonquian languages, have distinctions between animate and inanimate nouns. Languages in the Bantu family have approximately 16 noun classes (half singular and half plural), and all humans belong to the same noun class.

Property of: Words, mostly nouns. Morphemes encoding grammatical gender are usually inflectional morphemes.

In languages which use grammatical gender, many nouns may have a grammatical gender which corresponds to the semantic gender of the entity to which it refers, but there are also nouns which do not have semantic gender and are assigned grammatical gender arbitrarily. For example, milk does not have semantic gender, and it is arbitrarily assigned masculine gender in French and feminine gender in Spanish, as shown in (16).

(16) a. le lait

DEF.SG.M milk
‘the milk’

French

b. la leche
DEF.SG.F milk
‘the milk’
Spanish

There are are even nouns that have a semantic gender that doesn’t match its grammatical gender. One rather well-known example of this is the German word mädchen ‘girl’ which is semantically female but grammatically neuter.

(17) das mädchen

NOM.DEF.SG.N girl

‘girl’
German

The distinction between semantic and grammatical properties can also be made for other inflectional categories, including number (as we saw earlier for pants and scissors) and animacy. For example, in Meskwaki, an Algonquian language from the Iowa region, most plants use inanimate gender in everyday use, but may be marked with animate gender when they are being spoken to or in religious contexts. This is illustrated below for strawberry in (18).

(18) a. ahteːhimin-i

strawberry-SG.INAN

‘strawberry (inanimate)’

b. ahteːhimin-a

strawberry-SG.AN

‘strawberry (animate), when addressed’

Meskwaki (Dahlstrom 1995: 58)

On the other hand, the noun raspberry is always animate—even in everyday contexts—and cannot appear with inanimate gender.

(19) a. wiːtawiːh-a

raspberry-SG.AN

‘raspberry’
b. *wiːtawiːh-i

raspberry-SG.INAN

Meskwaki (Dahlstrom 1995: 58)

 

Singular you and they

In English, the pronoun you is used for both the singular and plural, but this was not always the case. You started out as a plural pronoun, and the pronouns thou (nominative), thee (accusative), and thy (genitive) were the singular pronouns. Here are some examples of the archaic singular pronoun from the Shakespeare play Hamlet.

(11) a. Thou seest the heavens (Act II Scene IV)

b. I’ll give thee a wind. (Act I Scene III)

c. …and everyone did bear thy praises in his kingdom’s great defence (Act I Scene III)

In Early Modern English, at the time of Shakespeare, you could be used as a plural pronoun or it could be used as a singular pronoun in more formal contexts and to show respect to the addressee. Over time, the polite you form became more and more common. Some prescriptivists didn’t like this change and complained about it, as illustrated by the quote below.

There has never been a greater perversion of language than the using the pronoun you, in the place of thou. […] Using you for thou causes us to depart from some of the fundamental rules of grammar. For example: we are taught that “a verb should agree with its nominative number and person.”

-Thomas 1857: 114-115

Now, in modern English, you is firmly established as a singular pronoun, replacing thou/thee/thy entirely. Some dialects have even coined new plural pronouns such as y’all or youse to re-establish the distinction between second person singular and plural.

Using the plural pronoun to show respect to single addressees is also used in other languages. For example the plural second person pronoun vous is used as a polite form to address single addressees in French, instead of the singular second person pronoun tu, which, depending on the dialect, is used only for close friends and family.

The pronoun they also originated as a plural pronoun but has been used as a singular pronoun in certain contexts since at least the 1400s (Balhorn 2004). Since the other third person singular pronouns specify gender or animacy, singular they is often used when the gender is unknown or irrelevant, as in (12).

(12) a. (Seeing an unidentified distant figure ) They‘re waving at us.

b. (After answering a phone call) They had the wrong number.

(Bjorkman 2017: 1)

Singular they was also used when it referred back to a noun modified by a quantifer, even if the gender was specified, as shown through the historical examples in (13).

(13) a. Shakespeare (A Comedy of Errors, 1623)

There’s not a man I meet but doth salute me
As if I were their well-acquainted friend

b. Austen (Pride and Prejudice, 1813)

Both sisters were uncomfortable enough. Each felt for the other, and of course for themselves.

(Bronwyn 2017: 3)

More recently, they has begun to be used as a singular pronoun for specific people whose gender is known. Some modern English speakers accept neither the sentences in (14) or (15). Some accept the sentences in (14) but not (15), and some accept all of the sentences in both (14) and (15). Sentences that are grammatical for some people but not all are marked with a percentage sign (%). Subscript letters, called co-indexes, are included beside nouns to show that they refer to the same entity.

(14) a. %The professori said theyi cancelled the exam.

b. %Our eldest childi broke theiri leg.

c. %I’ll let my cousini introduce themselvesi.

(Bjorkman 2017: 2)

(14) a. %Janeti said theyi cancelled the exam.

b. %Thomasi broke theiri leg.

c. %I’ll let my sisteri introduce themselvesi.

(Bjorkman 2017: 2)

Bjorkman suggests that the different judgment patterns for sentences like those in (14)-(15) are the result of a few small differences in people’s grammar. She argues that some people have a grammar that requires referential nouns to be specified for gender, even if it is not morphologically marked, while others have a grammar that allows nouns to be unspecified for gender.

Some people feel like gendered pronouns like she or he do not fit them and may request that others refer to them by using they. We can show respect for them by using the pronouns that they request. However, sometimes even people who want to use singular they to refer to specific people may struggle to because their grammar doesn’t allow it. The good news, though, is that learning and internalizing a new grammar is entirely possible with practice! Kirby Conrod, a linguist who uses they pronouns gives some tips on how to do that in their blog.

Classifiers

Classifiers are similar to gender, in that nouns are lexically assigned to different groups, often based on some semantic criteria. However, unlike gender, classifiers do not trigger agreement on other words and there may be hundreds of classifiers in use in a given language.

Mandarin is one example of a language that uses noun classifiers. In Mandarin, nouns must always be marked with a classifier when they are combined with a numeral, as shown in (20). The classifiers can indicate either individual objects, as in (20a), or containers, as in (20b) and (20c).

(20) a. liang ben shu

two CL book

‘two boxes’

b. liang xiang shu

two CL:box book

‘two boxes of books’

c. liang ping jiu
two CL:bottle wine
‘two bottles of wine’

Mandarin (Zhang 2007: 45)

Classifiers in Mandarin often encode the shape of the object. For example, the classifier tiao indicates long and rope-like objects. Words such as she ‘snake’, tui ‘leg’, kuzi  ‘pair of pants’, he ‘river’, and bandeng ‘bench’ all appear with the classifier tiao (Zhang 2007: 44). Classifier ke is used for small, solid, and kernel-like objects, such as huangdou ‘soybean’, ya ‘tooth’, dingzi ‘nail’, and zidan ‘bullet’ (Zhang 2007: 46).

Classifiers can also appear on the verb in some languages, to indicate the semantic properties of one of its arguments. This is how handshape classifiers are often used in American Sign Language. It also occurs in spoken language. For example, in the Papuan language Waris, the classifier put- ’round objects’ indicates that the object argument, a coconut, is round.

(21) sa ka-m put-ra-ho-o

coconut 1SG-to VCL:ROUND-get-BENEFACT-IMPERATIVE

‘Give me a coconut’ (lit. coconut to-me round.one-give)

Waris (Aikhenvald 2000: 3)

Derived nouns

There are some derivational morphemes that are common on nouns cross-linguistically, which are summarized in Table 6. But there are also many, many possible derivational meanings that might only show up in a single language. Some derivational morphemes change the part of speech of their stem (as in Table 7 and Table 8, which list derivational morphemes that change verbs and adjectives into nouns), whereas others keep the same part of speech (as in Table 9).

Table 7. Deverbal nouns (V → N) (adapted from Haspelmath and Sims 2010: 87)
agent noun refers to the subject of the verb English drink drink-er
Arabic ħamala ‘carry’ ħammaal ‘carrier’
patient noun refers to the object of the verb English invite invit-ee
instrument noun refers to an instrument used to perform the verb English blend blend-er
Spanish picar ‘mince’ pica-dora ‘meat grinder’
action noun refers to the action of the verb English destroy destruction
Arabic otkry-t’ ‘discover’ otkry-tie ‘discovery’
Table 8. Deadjectival nouns (A → N) (adapted from Haspelmath and Sims 2010: 87)
quality noun refers to the quality of having the property of the adjective English bold bold-ness
Japanese atarasi-i ‘new’ atarasi-sa ‘newness’
person noun refers to an entity with the property of the adjective English short short-y
Russian umn-yj ‘smart, clever’ umn-ik ‘clever guy’
Table 9. Denominal nouns (N → N) (adapted from Haspelmath and Sims 2010: 87)
diminutive noun refers to a smaller, younger, cuter, or more intimate version of the noun English basin basin-ette
Spanish gat-o ‘cat’ gat-it-o ‘little cat’
augmentative noun refers to a larger version of the noun English church megachurch
Russian borod-a ‘beard’ borod-išča ‘huge beard’
status noun refers to the having the status or rank of the noun English child child-hood
inhabitant noun refers to one who inhabits the noun English Canada Canad-ian
Arabic Miṣr ‘Egypt’ miṣr-iyyu ‘Egyptian’
female noun refers to a noun having feminine semantic gender English duke duchess
German König ‘king’ König-in ‘queen’

 

Key takeaways

  • Cross-linguistically, nouns may inflect for person, number, gender, and or case.
    • Person marks whether the noun is a conversation participant.
    • Number marks how many of the noun there are.
    • Gender marks the inflectional noun class of the word.
    • Case marks the role of the noun in the sentence.
  • Nouns typically show up in argument position of a verb or the object of a preposition.
  • Nouns may be modified by determiners or adjectives.
  • There are many derivational nouns that occur on nouns, including some that turn adjectives and verbs into nouns.

Check yourself!

References and further resources

For a general audience

Canadian Institutes of Health Research. 2023. What is gender? What is sex? https://cihr-irsc.gc.ca/e/48642.html

Conrod, Kirby. 2020. Pronouns 101: Introduction to your loved one’s new pronouns. Medium. https://kconrod.medium.com/pronouns-101-introduction-to-your-loved-ones-new-pronouns-3fef080266d0

Thomas, P.B. 1857. Thou and you. The R.I. Schoolmaster 3 (4): 114-115.

For students

Haspelmath, Martin and Andrea Sims. 2010. Understanding Morphology. London: Hodder Education.

Academic sources

Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2000. Classifiers: A typology of noun categorization devices. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2018. Number systems in grammar – position paper. Langugae and Culture Research Centre 2018 Workshop. https://www.jcu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/789700/Number-systems-in-grammar-Position-paper.pdf

Balhorn, Mark. 2004. The rise of epicene they. Journal of English Linguistics 32 (2): 79-166.

Bjorkman, Bronwyn. 2017. Singular they and the syntactic representation of gender in English. Glossa 2 (1): 80.

Corbett, Greville. 2013. Number of genders. In WALS, ed. Matthew Dryer and Martin Haspelmath. Zenodo. https://wals.info/chapter/30

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