6. Kinds of morphemes and morphological processes

6.6. Allomorphy

Sometimes a morpheme changes form in different contexts. The different forms of a morpheme are called allomorphs. For example, the plural allomorph of English takes many different forms, as shown in (1). These include predictable variation, such as variation between voiceless /s/ after voiceless consonants as in cats in (1a), voiced /z/ after voiced consonants as in dogs in (1b), and epenthetic /əz/ after sibilants as in bushes in (1c). The English plural form also has unpredictable, or irregular, variation, including vowel changes as in foot versus feet in (1d), irregular suffixes such as ox versus oxen in (1e), and plural forms borrowed from other languages as with cactus versus cacti in (1f). Sometimes multiple strategies combine as with child versus children in (1g), which exhibits both an irregular suffix -ren and a vowel change from /aɪ/ to /ɪ/. Finally, sometimes the plural form is the same as the singular form, as with sheep. These are all examples of plural allomorphs in English.

(1) singular singular pronunciation plural plural pronunciation
a. cat /kæt/ cat-s /kæts/
b. dog /dɑg/ dog-s /dɑgz/
c. bush /bʊʃ/ bush-es /bʊʃəz/
d. foot /fʊt/ feet /fit/
e. ox /ɑks/ ox-en /ɑksən/
f. cactus /kæktɪs/ cacti /kæktaɪ/
g. child /t͡ʃaɪld/ child-ren /t͡ʃɪldɹən/
h. sheep /ʃip/ sheep /ʃip/

We can classify allomorphs based on two properties. First, we consider the relationship between the different forms of the morpheme. If the different allomorphs are related to each other through a regular phonological pattern, they are called phonological allomorphs. If they are not, they are called suppletive allomorphs. Second, we consider the contexts that trigger allomorphy. Allomorphy can be triggered by phonological, morphological, or lexical conditioning.

Phonological allomorphs

When the form of an allomorph is predictable based on phonological context, it is called a phonological allomorph. In other words, phonological allomorphs are in complementary distribution based on a predictable phonological context. It is possible to write a morphophonological rule to describe where each allomorph is used.

For example, the plural allomorphs in (1a)-(1c) are phonological allomorphs. The plural morpheme surfaces as /əz/ after sibilants, as /s/ after other voiceless consonants, and as /z/ elsewhere. We can write two morphophonological rules which, taken together, describe this pattern, as in (2).

(2) a. plural -z → -əz / sibilant _
b. plural -z →-s / voiceless C _

We can also write a distribution diagram, as in (3).

(3) -əz / sibilant _
plural -s / voiceless C _
-z / elsewhere

Suppletion

On the other hand, suppletive allomorphs are not predictable from phonological context.

Weak suppletion has some phonological similarity to the other allomorphs. Some example of weak suppletion can be identified in English past tense forms, shown in (4).

(4) present present pronunciation past past pronunciation
a. buy /baɪ/ bought /bɑt/
b. catch /kɛt͡ʃ/ cought /kɑt/
c. teach /tit͡ʃ/ taught /tɑt/

The present tense forms buy, catch, and teach have nothing in common with each other that would explain why they do not take the regular -ed past tense marker, which is why these past tense forms are considered suppletive and not phonological. However, each present tense and past tense pair share the same initial consonant—/b/ for buy and bought, /k/ for catch and caught, and /t/ for teach and taught—which is why these are considered weak suppletion.

In contrast, in strong suppletion, the allomorphs do not share any phonological similarity. For example, as shown in (5a), the root for the verb go and its past tense went have no phonological similarity. Likewise, shown in (5b), the root good has no phonological similarity with the comparative form better or the superlative form best. Therefore, good exhibits strong suppletion. On the other hand, the relationship between better and best could be considered weak suppletion, because they share the initial /bɛ/.

(5) a. bare root go /goʊ/
a. past tense went /wɪnt/
b. root good /gʊd/
b. comparative better /bɛɾəɹ/
b. superlative best /bɛst/

Where does suppletion come from?

Historically, suppletion has many different possible sources.

One common source of suppletion is when a productive, historical process has died out, leaving only a few remnants in the modern grammar. This is the source of the plural form feet. Old English nouns followed many different conjugation patterns, much like Latin. Some, including foot, had a regular ablaut pattern, where plurality was marked by a vowel change in the stem, between the singular fot and the plural fet (OED). Eventually, though, the plurals in English went through a process of regularization, until today, where the majority of words take an -s plural marker. However, some of the more frequent words, including foot, kept the ablaut plural form.

Another common source of suppletion is through analogy, when a word adopts a similar pattern to another word. For example the word catch is borrowed from French cacher, meaning to hunt (OED), so at first it may be surprising that it has a suppletive past tense that looks like it may have been left behind by an older ablaut pattern of Old English. Etymologists think the past tense caught came from analogy from other words ending in -t͡ʃ which also have irregular pasts, such as latch and teach (OED).

Another source of suppletion is when two paradigms merge. For example, the past tense of GO, went, comes from a different verb, wend, meaning to turn or change direction. It has been used as the past tense of GO since the 15th century, replacing the old past tense forms of GO, which were also suppletive (OED).

In general, suppletion is much more common in frequent words, since children need to be exposed to the irregular pattern frequently enough to learn it.

You can look up the historical development of English words in the Oxford English Dictionary, which can likely be accessed online for free through your university library. Search for the word you’re interested in, and then click the Etymology tab to learn about its history.

Conditioning

The choice of which allomorph is used where can depend on different factors: it can be phonologically, morphologically, or lexically conditioned.

When allomorphy is phonologically conditioned, it means the choice of allomorph depends on phonological context. For example, the regular forms of the plural allomorph are phonologically conditioned. The plural morpheme –s appears as [əz] after a sibilant, [s] after a voiceless consonant, and [z] elsewhere.

Morphological conditioning, on the other hand, depends on the morphological context, usually the grammatical properties of the morpheme, such as an inflectional category. For example, in Spanish, the verb meaning ‘to go’ uses the stem ir in the infinitive and future, va- in the present and imperfective past, and fu- in the perfective past. This is morphological conditioning because it depends on morphological features such as present, infinitive, or future.

Finally, lexical conditioning depends on the properties of the stem. For example, the Persian plural marker appears as –an for human nouns and –ha for non-human nouns, which is an example of lexical conditioning based on semantic properties. Lexical conditioning also includes any form that is not predictable (i.e., must be memorized). The irregular plural -ren in children is an example of lexical conditioning that is not predictable. There is nothing about the word child that predicts that it would have an irregular plural.

Spelling changes vs. allomorphy

One mistake that students sometimes make is misidentifying a spelling change as allomorphy. Allomorphy describes only changes in pronunciation, not changes in spelling.

Sometimes a change in spelling and allomorphy co-occur, as in (6). In (6a), the morpheme invade in its bare form ends with a /d/ sound and is spelled with a /d/. In (6b), when -ion has been suffixed, the pronunciation of the final segment of the stem changes from /d/ to /ʒ/.

(6) a. invade /ɪnveɪd/
b. invas-ion /ɪnveɪʒən/

Sometimes, there is allomorphy without a change in spelling, as in (7). In (7a), the morpheme electric in its bare form ends with a /k/ sound. However, after -ity has been suffixed, as shown in (7b), the /k/ sound changes to an /s/ sound. On the other hand, if -ian is suffixed, the /k/ sound changes to an /ʃ/ sound. All three sounds /k s ʃ/ are spelled with a <c>.

(7) a. electric /əlɛktɹɪk/
b. electric-ity /əlɛktrɪsəti/
c. electric-ian /əlɛktriʃən/

Finally, sometimes there is a change of spelling without allomorphy, as in (8). In (8a), the morpheme happy in its bare form ends with an /i/ sound, spelled with a <y>. When -ness is suffixed, the spelling changes from <y> to <i>, but the pronunciation stays the same.

(8) a. happy /hæpi/
b. happi-ness /hæpinəs/

Remember, as discussed in Section 4.1, that writing as a modality is secondary to spoken language. Written language is conscious, learned by convention, and, as shown in these examples, does not always accurately reflect the subconscious grammatical patterns of language.

Key takeaways

  • A morpheme can take different forms in different contexts, which is called allomorphy.
  • When the form of an allomorph is predictable based on phonological context, it is called a phonological allomorph.
  • If the form of an allomorph is not predictable based on phonological context, it is called a suppletive allomorph. Weak suppletion is when the allomorphs bear some resemblance, while strong suppletion is when the allomorphs bear no resemblance.
  • Allomorphy can also be classified based on what triggers the allomorphy. Phonologically conditioned allomorphs arise due to phonological context, morphologically conditioned allomorphs arise due to the inflectional properties of the stem, and lexically conditioned allomorphs arise due to the lexical properties of the stem, such as its semantic properties or idiosyncratic properties of the stem.

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